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Testimony of Joia Mukherjee before
the
House Subcommittee on Africa
and Global Health
House Committee on Foreign Affairs
Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health
Testimony of
Joia S. Mukherjee, MD, MPH
Medical Director
Partners In Health
Assistant Professor of Medicine
Brigham and Women’s Hospital
Harvard Medical School
Health Systems Strengthening and the AIDS Pandemic
September 25, 2007
The long-awaited availability of money for HIV prevention, care, and treatment
in resource-poor settings has resulted in the real possibility of stemming
the enormous death toll of HIV. However, due to decades of health system
impoverishment, sickness and death among all cadres of workers due to HIV,
and the flight of educated people from the developing to the developed world,
there are few trained health professionals who can implement and sustain these
large scale programs. This situation has been called the “healthcare
worker crisis.” Yet to proffer the simple equation—“AIDS
money is greater than the capacity of professionals to use it”—yields
just a pinhole view of a much larger landscape. In fact, the AIDS pandemic
has done nothing if not lay bare the fact that health systems—in terms
of personnel, equipment, medicines, and physical infrastructure—in many
developing countries were never adequate to address the basic primary health
care needs of the population, let alone address a new, chronic, infectious
disease—AIDS and its fueling of the tuberculosis pandemic. People in
poor countries understand this. In Rwanda, our patients offer the phrase “imboni
ibibazo”— a lens through which we see reality and the larger context—as
a description of the AIDS pandemic.
It is to this larger context that AIDS has drawn our focus: developing countries
bear 90 percent of the global burden of disease armed with only 20 percent
of the world’s GDP and
12 percent of the world’s health expenditures to combat this burden. Africa
is particularly hard-hit, bearing fully one-quarter of the world’s disease
burden with 3 percent of the global health workforce, who are paid less than
1 percent of global health expenditures. With
such paltry resources available in these settings, how do people get care? The
answer is that they do not. For this and many other reasons, life expectancy
in Lesotho is 35.1 years (compared to 76.7 years in Cuba); in
Rwanda, 203 children per 1,000 die before their fifth birthday (compared to
8 per thousand in the United States) and in Malawi, 1800 women die in childbirth
for every 100,000 live births (as compared with 2 in the Sweden). These
rates are not unique across the continent. Some of this morbidity and mortality
is AIDS-related, but much of it can be traced to inadequate health systems.
When people in resource-poor settings do access health care, approximately
60% of all health expenditures are out-of-pocket payments to private pharmacies
or clinics. For the leading infectious global killers—HIV, TB, and malaria—there
is no question that care should be delivered within the public sector and provided
as public goods rather than as commodities; the control of tuberculosis, an
airborne disease, has long been seen as a public good. Yet the public sector
is absolutely inadequately resourced for the provision of basic health services,
let alone chronic care for complex diseases. The majority of foreign aid directed
to post-colonial African countries took the form of loans with conditions attached
that were meant to develop African countries’ markets rather than invest
in the public sector. Because two of the largest components of every government’s
responsibility are health and education, these loan conditions, termed “structural
adjustment” policies, resulted in massive disinvestment in and neglect
of the health and education sectors. National health budgets were set
at shockingly low levels, on the order of $2-$5 US per capita, and included
limits on the number of and compensation for public employees as well as little
money for essential medicines or building and maintenance of health infrastructure.
Countries subjected to these fiscal constraints had few options for responding
to escalating public health needs. To
compensate for the paucity of money in government coffers for health, the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund advised that public clinics should
charge user fees for health services as a form of cost recovery. But in extremely
poor, often non-cash economies, such fees serve as an enormous barrier to accessing
care. The confluence of inadequate numbers of underpaid staff; poor infrastructure;
a lack of medicines and supplies; and prohibitive user fees results in an oft-seen
and grotesque sight: public clinics standing empty in the midst of the worst
epidemics in the history of mankind. Equally tragic are countries such as Malawi
where there are no user fees for health care and clinics are full but completely
dysfunctional. Lacking access to the tools of their trade and able to
do no more than minister over the dying, despondent health professionals
have left their country to work in Europe or the United States, leaving only
350 Malawian physicians to care for a population of 16 million.
New investments in global health, including the President’s Emergency
Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), have given us the opportunity to treat and prevent
HIV in resource-poor settings. Monies are available for drugs, for laboratory
tests, and for prevention programs. But can and should new monies have a wider
impact, beyond simply getting AIDS patients onto treatment? The answer
is yes. Unequivocally, yes. However, the money must be used strategically—not
just to fund “vertical” HIV programs (clinics and services that
provide care for only one disease such as TB or HIV) but to support the rehabilitation
and bolstering of public health systems. A commitment to primary health is
critical, as HIV programs do not work in a vacuum: the majority of people presenting
to clinic, especially in rural areas, come because they are sick, not because
they want to know their HIV status. Health facilities must be accessible, well-stocked,
and reliable, providing decent diagnosis and treatment of common diseases,
before widespread HIV testing can occur.
Let me illustrate with an example from the work of Partners In Health, an
NGO affiliated with Harvard Medical School and the Harvard School of Public
Health. PIH was one of the first programs to provide antiretroviral therapy
free of charge in a resource-poor setting, Haiti, where we had been working
since 1983. Haiti is the poorest country in the western hemisphere and also
has the highest prevalence of HIV, TB, and malaria; the highest maternal and
child mortality rates and a life expectancy 52 years. Despite
these grim statistics, we were able to successfully acquire medicines and launch
comprehensive AIDS treatment efforts just two years after antiretroviral drugs
became available in the first world. Nearly all of those early patients, carried
in on stretchers, are still alive today, living well, farming, working and
caring for their children. This was a small initiative—just 60 patients
between 1998 and 2001. However, with the advent of the Global Fund to
Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria and then the President’s Emergency Plan for
AIDS Relief, PIH made a conscious decision that changed the course of our institution.
We made the conscious decision that in order to get these life-saving medicines
to all those who needed them, we had to deliver them through public health
clinics. In 2002 PIH began to expand its services throughout central Haiti
by partnering with Ministry of Health clinics and hospitals.
What we discovered was that bringing HIV services to a failing public sector
clinic could reinvigorate primary health care if AIDS testing, care and treatment
was integrated with other services—specifically, primary care of adults
and children, women’s health, tuberculosis control and the control of
sexually transmitted disease.
The town of Hinche, Haiti, the capital of the Central Department and home
to about 70,000 people, is instructive. Hinche has a hospital and outpatient
clinic, both of which stood nearly empty when we first visited. The clinic
was seeing 10 patients per day, and the hospital had 3-6 inpatients in its
60-bed facility. Prior to the involvement of Partners In Health, only 43 cases
of HIV were found—about 25% of the 176 people tested. There was no strategy
for integrating health services, bolstering primary care, tuberculosis control
or women’s health. The testing center which had three full-time
trained and paid employees simply waited passively for people to come forward
for testing.
Two things about this example are striking. First of all, it was estimated
that a minimum of 1,500 people were living with untreated HIV in the area;
therefore, identifying only 43 new cases is appalling. One would think that
the patients would be breaking down the barricades, since it was widely known
that antiretroviral therapy was available free of charge. Second, the prevalence
of AIDS in central Haiti is 2-4%. If 25% of the tests performed were positive,
this is an indication that the test was not being offered broadly, as a screening
tool, but, instead, was being offered only to those patients suspected to be
infected. Broad screening is important because it offers avenues for intervention
through prevention education. It also allows for earlier detection—and
thus treatment—of HIV.
Recall that PIH had committed to partnering with the public sector in scaling
up its work with the advent of Global Fund and PEPFAR monies. We knew that
full general clinic is the best place to find HIV cases—people come to
clinics because they are ill, not because they want to be tested for HIV. This
is to say nothing of the fact that the availability of general health services
will have a far bigger impact on the health of the community than AIDS care
alone.
With these lessons in mind, PIH’s support of the facilities in Hinche
included refurbishing wards; providing essential drugs, supplies, and steady
power; and improving telecommunications capacity. Working with local government
officials, user fees were waived for HIV patients, TB patients, children under
5, and pregnant women, and fees for all other patients were minimized.
The Ministry of Health hired new clinical and administrative staff, whom PIH
worked to train. Additionally, the compensation of existing Ministry of Health
staff was increased. PIH trained a cadre of community health workers to perform
active case finding of vulnerable families, deliver HIV and TB treatment in
the home, and provide psychosocial support to all patients. Needless to say,
the bolstered clinic, coupled with increased community support, resulted in
skyrocketing utilization of services. Today the public health facility in Hinche
clinic sees 300 patients per day and performs 600 HIV tests per month. Out
of the 8,500 tests performed last year, only 5% were positive. More than 1,000
HIV-positive patients have been identified in Hinche and are being followed
by the Ministry of Health with the support of PIH, more than a third of whom
are on ART. More than 400 patients have been diagnosed and treated for
tuberculosis. The whole health system, let alone AIDS case detection and treatment,
has been strengthened as a result of interest in and funding for AIDS.
We know that success is possible, but the constraints are many. We are convinced
that health systems strengthening is the only way to address not only the AIDS
and TB pandemics but other health crises as well. In the context of HIV program
implementation, we must move from “Emergency Relief” to long term,
sustained commitment to creating programs that are locally run and managed.
To develop an adequate public sector to respond to the challenge of the AIDS
pandemic should be the goal of such assistance. However, to assist in
building a public sector response, it is important to adequately train, retain
and compensate health workers. Yet, country offices of PEPFAR still hold to
the constraint, rooted in the Foreign Assistance Act, that PEPFAR monies cannot
be used to compensate public sector workers. This is not true. Currently, many
PEPFAR-funded projects in the field are, indeed, providing salary support for
public sector workers involved in delivering AIDS care. Some experts estimate
that 20% of the PEPFAR budget is spent on support for the public sector, including
salaries. However, it is often the case that interpretations of
the Foreign Assistance Act result in prohibitions on public sector support.
Thus, in a multitude of cases, PEPFAR money funds the private, NGO sector,
resulting in the development of parallel health systems—charity and public—and
further impoverishing the public health system that is the most sustainable
and widespread means of delivering health care to the poor. If donors,
NGOs, universities, and governments are to work together to build or rebuild
sustainable public health infrastructure, it is imperative that the responsibility
for and the funding of these programs be gradually moved to the public sector.
African leaders signed a pledge in Abuja, Nigeria in 2001 to commit 7% of their
GDP to health; in a poor country such as Rwanda that is experiencing a growing
economy, it is possible to imagine that, with time, the government will be
able to cover much of the cost of a functional public health system. In countries
like Haiti, however, 7% of GDP will not soon cover the cost of a functional
health system. International donor money must help put in place the systems
that can address not only HIV but also other diseases and primary health goals.
Why not use the AIDS crisis to build something that will be sustained for generations
to come?
In its first years, much of PEPFAR money was allocated to non-governmental
organizations (like mine) with the notion, perhaps, that governments are inefficient
or corrupt. The money was, based on the title of the program, geared toward
an emergency. Today, programs are established, money has been well used, and
people all over the world are receiving care within government driven national
plans. It is time to shift the focus of aid to a second phase where our response
is made sustainable. With nearly 3 million people on HIV treatment in
resource-poor settings around the world, it is clear that the public sector
must shoulder the responsibility for treating and monitoring this and other
chronic diseases and fully ensconcing AIDS treatment into the delivery of primary
health care services.
To close, I’d like to make a few general comments related to PEPFAR
to improve its overall impact and effectiveness in the next phase. We applaud
the new financial resources that have been dedicated to helping address the
HIV/AIDS crisis thus far. The achievements that have been made in getting more
patients into AIDS prevention and treatment programs are laudatory. However,
it behooves us now to be more ambitious. There are more than 6 to 7 million
people today alone who need ART and fewer than 3 million of those are receiving
it. The set-up phase has been successful, but if we keep funding at this
level and targets for patients on treatment low, we are not building; we are
sustaining work that is less than half done. In the next ten years, with the
goal of attaining universal access to treatment, 10-12 million people will
need to be started and maintained on treatment. The PEPFAR reauthorization
announcement from the White House only included a target of an additional 500,000
patients to be put on treatment for the next five years. Given that the
GDP of the US is fully 33% of the world’s total resources, it is reasonable
to expect the US to support 33% of the cost of systems to deliver treatment
to these patients. This, indeed, was the goal of PEPFAR in its first iteration, targeting
the US resources to cover the costs of treating 2,000,000 patients in the first
five years. For the re-authorization of PEPFAR to continue in this generous
and fair vein of 33% of the global AIDS commitment would mean to cover
the cost of 4,000,000 people in treatment by the end of 10 years, not 2,500,000
as currently proposed. The target of 500,000 additional people in treatment
and only 30 billion USD proposed for the second five years is less than level
funding for the United States’ most successful international aid program. Thus,
to meet the needs of the countries suffering, hold up the US share of international
aid and build and sustain health systems to deal with this crisis, at least
50 billion USD over the next five years is necessary.
Today we have a choice that clearly sculpts the global epidemic and the view
of the generosity and fairness of the United States throughout the world. I
urge you to build on the successes of PEPFAR, to use the AIDS crisis to examine
and address the illness and suffering throughout the world and not simply to
preserve the first five years of PEPFAR in a museum of unrealized possibilities,
but rather to continue in the visionary trajectory of using these resources
to address, for the long term, the worst epidemic in the history of mankind.
Pablo Gottret & George
Schieber, Health Financing Revisited: A Practitioner’s Guide (The
World Bank 2006).
World Health Report
2006: Working Together for Health (WHO, Geneva, 2006).
http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/malawi_statistics.html Accessed
September 18, 2007
The negative impact World
Bank and IMF macroeconomic structural adjustment policies was compounded
by poor governance decisions, corruption, and misplaced spending priorities
in many developing countries.
[published September 2007]
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